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| Thomas Hoepker, Magnum http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/sep/02/911-photo-thomas-hoepker-meaning |
Σάββατο 10 Σεπτεμβρίου 2011
Πέμπτη 11 Αυγούστου 2011
Questions on/from the Riots
Paris, Athens, London,...
It seems that there is an ongoing list of modern capitals in Europe where civil unrest burst out like an explosion.In each case,there are striking similatirities (an of course differences) which seem to compose the syntax of the riots.
The city, the looting, properties in flames, young people with the faces hidden in balaclavas or without, the police special forces, the owners, ...
Then, the analyses start witht he experts (journalists, politicians and community leaders, social scientists... The all try to come with an understanding: the social and political causes of the riots, poverty, economic recession, political disillusion, the end of multiculturalism and tolerance.
The problem with these expressions of civil unrest is the the lact of an organised grammar. In other words, the systematised structural rules that forms a widely accepted body of knowledge seems to fail us. All these acts of violent from all the sides involved: the aggressors, the defenders, the victims, the perpetrators, the neutralists, the observers seem to be unravelled on the surface in a speed and volume (we should relate the latter to globalisation) that impedes the formation of a 'grammatical' structure.
And without a 'grammar' how could we reach a comprehensive language? How do we translate violence into a fruitful framework of analysis of social(?)-some of the reports point exactly to the lack of social solidariy- dissent.
This lack of understanding is not new. Similar, disagreement on the meaning of a social mobilisation could be found in the various movements of 'Indignados'in Spain or in Greece. In those forms of mobilisation the syntax differs but what persists is the multiplicity of interpretations which indicates the lack of an understanding.
What seems to relate the riots and the movements of 'Indignados' is the timing: one of the most difficult time for Europe in terms of its economic existence, its political future and its identity. The idea of Europe as it was cosntructed in the post-war decades and its idealisation if the last decades of the 20th century seems shuttered,at least to a wide majority of its citizens (which categories are these and if they differ from country to country should be examined. Disenchatement and the lack of any new ideal worsen the already hard reality and increase the fear. The management of this fear among, I think lead to these different and even opposing forms of dissent.
In the 'Indignados' the fear is positive;it is mixed with hope,the fear of what will happen next, where things go and the hope of being creative in social togetherness that could bring change. The 'indignados' believe in change they believe in their in peoplehood as the force of history. I am not sure though that each one of them consider change in the same way how the movement could lead to it.
In the riots, the fear is negative; it is pure and simple and for this reason, absolute and devastating. It is the fear with no hope, no thinking of tomorrow or of the other. In this case, the subject lives the moment and lives for the moment, and that is way this subject demands and seizes what he/she was deprives from the past (consumers goods or dignity) and what he/she nomore believes in, ie the future.
In both cases, the fear is present.
And it is present also in the way the state reacts to these cases; with more discourses on order and security that is also based on fear.
So what is the solution?Is there any? Slavoi Zizek (Vioelnce, Six Sideways Reflections)encourages to do nothing.And in the meantime?
It seems that there is an ongoing list of modern capitals in Europe where civil unrest burst out like an explosion.In each case,there are striking similatirities (an of course differences) which seem to compose the syntax of the riots.
The city, the looting, properties in flames, young people with the faces hidden in balaclavas or without, the police special forces, the owners, ...
Then, the analyses start witht he experts (journalists, politicians and community leaders, social scientists... The all try to come with an understanding: the social and political causes of the riots, poverty, economic recession, political disillusion, the end of multiculturalism and tolerance.
The problem with these expressions of civil unrest is the the lact of an organised grammar. In other words, the systematised structural rules that forms a widely accepted body of knowledge seems to fail us. All these acts of violent from all the sides involved: the aggressors, the defenders, the victims, the perpetrators, the neutralists, the observers seem to be unravelled on the surface in a speed and volume (we should relate the latter to globalisation) that impedes the formation of a 'grammatical' structure.
And without a 'grammar' how could we reach a comprehensive language? How do we translate violence into a fruitful framework of analysis of social(?)-some of the reports point exactly to the lack of social solidariy- dissent.
This lack of understanding is not new. Similar, disagreement on the meaning of a social mobilisation could be found in the various movements of 'Indignados'in Spain or in Greece. In those forms of mobilisation the syntax differs but what persists is the multiplicity of interpretations which indicates the lack of an understanding.
What seems to relate the riots and the movements of 'Indignados' is the timing: one of the most difficult time for Europe in terms of its economic existence, its political future and its identity. The idea of Europe as it was cosntructed in the post-war decades and its idealisation if the last decades of the 20th century seems shuttered,at least to a wide majority of its citizens (which categories are these and if they differ from country to country should be examined. Disenchatement and the lack of any new ideal worsen the already hard reality and increase the fear. The management of this fear among, I think lead to these different and even opposing forms of dissent.
In the 'Indignados' the fear is positive;it is mixed with hope,the fear of what will happen next, where things go and the hope of being creative in social togetherness that could bring change. The 'indignados' believe in change they believe in their in peoplehood as the force of history. I am not sure though that each one of them consider change in the same way how the movement could lead to it.
In the riots, the fear is negative; it is pure and simple and for this reason, absolute and devastating. It is the fear with no hope, no thinking of tomorrow or of the other. In this case, the subject lives the moment and lives for the moment, and that is way this subject demands and seizes what he/she was deprives from the past (consumers goods or dignity) and what he/she nomore believes in, ie the future.
In both cases, the fear is present.
And it is present also in the way the state reacts to these cases; with more discourses on order and security that is also based on fear.
So what is the solution?Is there any? Slavoi Zizek (Vioelnce, Six Sideways Reflections)encourages to do nothing.And in the meantime?
Τρίτη 10 Μαΐου 2011
10/5/2016
Σήμερα είναι τα γενέθλιά μου. Θα έρθουν οι γιαγιάδες και οι παππούδες. Έχουμε καλέσει και τα παιδιά από την πολυκατοικία και τη καλύτερη φίλη μου από τα προνήπια. Η τούρτα σοκολάτα είναι ήδη στο ψυγείο. Είδα το κουτί. Φέτος η μαμά δεν έλυσε το μεγάλο κόκκινο φιόγκο για να μη μπορεί να την φάει ο αδελφός μου πριν σβήσουμε τα κεράκια μου. Είναι λίγο μεγαλύτερος από εμένα. Συνέχεια με πειράζει και με θεωρεί μωρό. Δε θέλει να ακουμπάω τα πράγματά του γιατί φοβάται ότι θα του τα χαλάσω. Αλλά γιατί να θέλω να πειράξω τα πράγματά του; Τι να μου αρέσει από τα αυτοκινητάκια του; Δεν πειράζει γιατί με αγαπάει και για αυτό μου έχει ετοιμάσει μια ζωγραφιά. Την είδα αν και την είχε κρύψει στο συρτάρι του. Όλοι θα μου έχουν πάρει δώρα για να μου τα δώσουν να τα ανοίξω μόλις σβήσω τα κεράκια.
Τις προηγούμενες χρονιές δεν ήταν έτσι, όσο μπορώ να θυμηθώ. Στις φωτογραφίες από τα πρώτα μου γενέθλια η μαμά φοράει μαύρα και τα μάτια της είναι κόκκινα. Όλοι στη φωτογραφία προσπαθούν να χαμογελάσουν αλλά δε μπορούν. Φοράνε και αυτοί μάυρα. Δε μου αρέσει το μαύρο. Μου αρέσει το κόκκινο και το καφέ της σοκολάτας. Τα δικά μου γενέθλια είναι διαφορετικά από αυτά των άλλων παιδιών. Δε είναι μόνο γιορτή ζωής αλλά και θανάτου.όταν γεννήθηκα ο πατέρας μου είχε ήδη πεθάνει. Πέθανε πριν με αντικρίσει ή ίσως κάποιοι πουν ότι πέθανε από την επιθυμία του να με αντικρίσει. Ήθελε να αιχμαλωτίσει το πρώτο μου κλάμα και αυτό του στοίχισε τη ζωή. Εγώ δεν το γνώρισα αλλά έχω πάντα τη φωτογραφία του στο μικρό γραφείο που μοιράζομαι με τον αδελφό μου. Γι να με φιλάει, λέει η μαμά.
Η γιαγιά λέει ότι έτσι ήθελε ο Θεός και η μοίρα του και σκουπίζει τα δάκρυά της. Ο παππούς λέει κάτι για το κράτος, ότι δεν μας προσέχει εμάς που δε μένουμε σε καλές γειτονιές, ότι μας έχει αφήσει στη μοίρα μας και έχουμε γεμίσει με εγκληματικά στοιχεία. Δεν καταλαβαίνω τι είναι αυτά τα εγκληματικά στοιχεία. Εμένα μου αρέσει η γειτονιά μου. Παίζω με την Μαρί, τη Μανάνα και τον Τζο. Η γιαγιά λέει ότι δεν είναι από εδώ. Δεν ξέρω από που είναι γιατί εγώ πάντα εδώ τους βλέπω, με αυτούς παίζω και μαλώνω. Αν η γειτονιά μου είναι καλή για μένα για΄τι είναι κακή για το κράτος; Αφού η Μαρί, η Μανάνα και ο Τζό είναι συνέχει εδώ γιατί λένε ότι είναι ξένοι; Και αφού το κράτος είναι δικό μας γιατί δεν προφύλαξε το μπαμπά μου, εμένα, τη Μαρί, τη Μανάνα και τον Τζο από αυτούς που ο παππού λέει εγκληματίες;
Η μαμά δεν λέει τίποτα, ούτε κλαίει πια αλλά τα μάτια της είναι κόκκινα μερικές φορές. Μόνο που κάθε χρόνο τέτοια μέρα φεύγει με τη γιαγιά. Παίρνουν και λουλούδια. Λείπουν για κάποιες ώρες και μετά γυρίζουν. Έχουν πάλι κόκκινα μάτια, η γιαγιά μου δίνει ένα φιλί, "από τον μπαμπά σου μου λέει"και η μαμά με σφίγγει στην αγκαλιά της. Με σφίγγει πολύ σα να πρόκειται να φύγω. Ο αδελφός μου λένε ότι πάνε στον μπαμπά αλλά εμένα μου έχουν πει ότι ο μπαμπά μου είναι στον ουρανό. Ο αδελφός μου λέει ότι είμαι μικρή και δεν καταλαβαίνω. Ίσως έχει δίκιο αλλά δεν είμαι σίγουρη ότι ακόμα και αν καταλάβω ο μπαμπάς μου θα επιστέψει.
Στη μνήμη του Μ.που έφυγε στις 10/5/2011, στη κόρη του που γεννήθηκε τις 10/5/2011
Στη ζωή και στο θάνατο.
Τις προηγούμενες χρονιές δεν ήταν έτσι, όσο μπορώ να θυμηθώ. Στις φωτογραφίες από τα πρώτα μου γενέθλια η μαμά φοράει μαύρα και τα μάτια της είναι κόκκινα. Όλοι στη φωτογραφία προσπαθούν να χαμογελάσουν αλλά δε μπορούν. Φοράνε και αυτοί μάυρα. Δε μου αρέσει το μαύρο. Μου αρέσει το κόκκινο και το καφέ της σοκολάτας. Τα δικά μου γενέθλια είναι διαφορετικά από αυτά των άλλων παιδιών. Δε είναι μόνο γιορτή ζωής αλλά και θανάτου.όταν γεννήθηκα ο πατέρας μου είχε ήδη πεθάνει. Πέθανε πριν με αντικρίσει ή ίσως κάποιοι πουν ότι πέθανε από την επιθυμία του να με αντικρίσει. Ήθελε να αιχμαλωτίσει το πρώτο μου κλάμα και αυτό του στοίχισε τη ζωή. Εγώ δεν το γνώρισα αλλά έχω πάντα τη φωτογραφία του στο μικρό γραφείο που μοιράζομαι με τον αδελφό μου. Γι να με φιλάει, λέει η μαμά.
Η γιαγιά λέει ότι έτσι ήθελε ο Θεός και η μοίρα του και σκουπίζει τα δάκρυά της. Ο παππούς λέει κάτι για το κράτος, ότι δεν μας προσέχει εμάς που δε μένουμε σε καλές γειτονιές, ότι μας έχει αφήσει στη μοίρα μας και έχουμε γεμίσει με εγκληματικά στοιχεία. Δεν καταλαβαίνω τι είναι αυτά τα εγκληματικά στοιχεία. Εμένα μου αρέσει η γειτονιά μου. Παίζω με την Μαρί, τη Μανάνα και τον Τζο. Η γιαγιά λέει ότι δεν είναι από εδώ. Δεν ξέρω από που είναι γιατί εγώ πάντα εδώ τους βλέπω, με αυτούς παίζω και μαλώνω. Αν η γειτονιά μου είναι καλή για μένα για΄τι είναι κακή για το κράτος; Αφού η Μαρί, η Μανάνα και ο Τζό είναι συνέχει εδώ γιατί λένε ότι είναι ξένοι; Και αφού το κράτος είναι δικό μας γιατί δεν προφύλαξε το μπαμπά μου, εμένα, τη Μαρί, τη Μανάνα και τον Τζο από αυτούς που ο παππού λέει εγκληματίες;
Η μαμά δεν λέει τίποτα, ούτε κλαίει πια αλλά τα μάτια της είναι κόκκινα μερικές φορές. Μόνο που κάθε χρόνο τέτοια μέρα φεύγει με τη γιαγιά. Παίρνουν και λουλούδια. Λείπουν για κάποιες ώρες και μετά γυρίζουν. Έχουν πάλι κόκκινα μάτια, η γιαγιά μου δίνει ένα φιλί, "από τον μπαμπά σου μου λέει"και η μαμά με σφίγγει στην αγκαλιά της. Με σφίγγει πολύ σα να πρόκειται να φύγω. Ο αδελφός μου λένε ότι πάνε στον μπαμπά αλλά εμένα μου έχουν πει ότι ο μπαμπά μου είναι στον ουρανό. Ο αδελφός μου λέει ότι είμαι μικρή και δεν καταλαβαίνω. Ίσως έχει δίκιο αλλά δεν είμαι σίγουρη ότι ακόμα και αν καταλάβω ο μπαμπάς μου θα επιστέψει.
Στη μνήμη του Μ.που έφυγε στις 10/5/2011, στη κόρη του που γεννήθηκε τις 10/5/2011
Στη ζωή και στο θάνατο.
Πέμπτη 5 Μαΐου 2011
Human Mobility, Control and Power Hierarchies
On April 22nd I read an article a the Greek newspaper Kathimerini regarding the delays in the examination of the immigrants applications for their legalization in the country.
The article eloquently was describing the vice circle within which both the civil servants and the immigrants find themselves in the Bureau of Aliens and Immigration, part of the newly reformed, according to the new law of the Greek administration,http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif Periphery of Athens.Due to the financial recession the only 30 civil servants are expected to review almost 120,000 applications per year. The results is the 3,4-4 hour-waiting of the immigrants in the smαll alley of Petrou Ralli in Athens During the waiting the immigrants are under the surveillance of police officers because the Greek State treats everydbody as a potential suspect and criminal.
Last February there was a circulation by the Home Office in all the Bureaus of ALiens and Immigration which were appointed in charge of new duties like the issuing the new electronic card of the immigrant (with biometric information). However, it is a common secret that the electronic systems of the public sector have become quite unreliable (or rather have become even more unreliable) because of the economic crisis. In this ways, few underpaid educated and sometimes overeducated civil servants are expected to deal with thousands of applications of the overburdened with problems immigrants from whom the state expects to pay quite high price in order to remain legal depsite the hight unemployment in the country.In this way, both sides seem to have become hostages of the same economic, political and social crisis which, nevertheless, expects professional efficiency from the former, deprives the dignity of the latter and never holds accounable itself.
Today, another piece of new was highlighted in the morning newspapers. Margot Malstrom, the Sweddish Commissioner o Home Affairs, announced that it is possible to reinstate border control within Schengen in case of certified lack of ability of a meber state to control its own borders. This proposal is considered highly supported by Italy and France whereas its affects in particular Greece , but also the other countries of the European South. Strong reactions came form the European Socialists and the Liberals who argued that the proposal goes against the principle of free mobility of citizens.
It should be underlined that the massive concetration of undocumented migrants at the border of Greece and the fear for new waves due to the political unrest in Middle East, the war in Libya and the fragiel situaiton in Syria.
Globalizaiton might have not created the global democracy it evangelized, but the transformation in the circualtion of the capital and the interconnections in the labour markets and the formation of a supranational governmentality, especially in the framewok of the EU contributed to the conext-sensitive interpretation fo the categories legal/illegal. The latter seem to become highly shifting categories in terms of of their attribution, based on capital distribution and political alliances and power hiearchies.
The changes that the Greeks had to undetake in their passports so that the latter could show biometric information of their holders and through wich they could enjoy the free circulaiton in the Schegen zone might now, due to the economic crisis seem to become under suspencion in a parellel way in which the dreams of thousands of immigratns living and working in Greece seem to be living in limbo.
The two case,despie the diffences, make a loud reminder of the degree that the European principle of free circulation remianed hinghly divided and hierachised, something that seem to become even sharper because of the economic current economic recession.
The article eloquently was describing the vice circle within which both the civil servants and the immigrants find themselves in the Bureau of Aliens and Immigration, part of the newly reformed, according to the new law of the Greek administration,http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif Periphery of Athens.Due to the financial recession the only 30 civil servants are expected to review almost 120,000 applications per year. The results is the 3,4-4 hour-waiting of the immigrants in the smαll alley of Petrou Ralli in Athens During the waiting the immigrants are under the surveillance of police officers because the Greek State treats everydbody as a potential suspect and criminal.
Last February there was a circulation by the Home Office in all the Bureaus of ALiens and Immigration which were appointed in charge of new duties like the issuing the new electronic card of the immigrant (with biometric information). However, it is a common secret that the electronic systems of the public sector have become quite unreliable (or rather have become even more unreliable) because of the economic crisis. In this ways, few underpaid educated and sometimes overeducated civil servants are expected to deal with thousands of applications of the overburdened with problems immigrants from whom the state expects to pay quite high price in order to remain legal depsite the hight unemployment in the country.In this way, both sides seem to have become hostages of the same economic, political and social crisis which, nevertheless, expects professional efficiency from the former, deprives the dignity of the latter and never holds accounable itself.
Today, another piece of new was highlighted in the morning newspapers. Margot Malstrom, the Sweddish Commissioner o Home Affairs, announced that it is possible to reinstate border control within Schengen in case of certified lack of ability of a meber state to control its own borders. This proposal is considered highly supported by Italy and France whereas its affects in particular Greece , but also the other countries of the European South. Strong reactions came form the European Socialists and the Liberals who argued that the proposal goes against the principle of free mobility of citizens.
It should be underlined that the massive concetration of undocumented migrants at the border of Greece and the fear for new waves due to the political unrest in Middle East, the war in Libya and the fragiel situaiton in Syria.
Globalizaiton might have not created the global democracy it evangelized, but the transformation in the circualtion of the capital and the interconnections in the labour markets and the formation of a supranational governmentality, especially in the framewok of the EU contributed to the conext-sensitive interpretation fo the categories legal/illegal. The latter seem to become highly shifting categories in terms of of their attribution, based on capital distribution and political alliances and power hiearchies.
The changes that the Greeks had to undetake in their passports so that the latter could show biometric information of their holders and through wich they could enjoy the free circulaiton in the Schegen zone might now, due to the economic crisis seem to become under suspencion in a parellel way in which the dreams of thousands of immigratns living and working in Greece seem to be living in limbo.
The two case,despie the diffences, make a loud reminder of the degree that the European principle of free circulation remianed hinghly divided and hierachised, something that seem to become even sharper because of the economic current economic recession.
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